Michael Lewis’ Article on the President Demonstrates by Example the Shallowness of Political Journalism

Recalling the inspiration for his profile on President Obama which appeared this week in the pages of Vanity Fair, superstar writer Michael Lewis said,

“On a whim, last November, I thought what would be a fun magazine piece to do? Boy, it would be fun to go hang out with the president. So I got Jay Carney’s email and I sent the press secretary a note and I said, there used to be a kind of journalism that could be done with the president. John Hersey, an old New Yorker writer whom I greatly admire, wrote a series of articles on President Truman, back when Truman was in office,”

“Wouldn’t it be fun,” mused Lewis to himself, “if I could take Obama and do the same thing? Just two guys kind of hanging out together.” Wouldn’t it be fun indeed. If Lewis had approached it with any kind of urgency or seriousness, it might have been educational and constructive as well. Alas, it was not to be.

And so we have “Obama’s Way,” a look into the President’s daily life which purports to “put the reader in the president’s shoes.”

Yet this goal seems to have eluded Lewis, who, talented and experienced writer that he is, ends up being derailed by his own artifice. Rather than ponder the incongruities wrapped up tightly within the fabric of the President’s day to day life, Lewis depicts several different moments on many different days. This biographical time lapse has the effect of cutting out the space in-between, rendering a finished product that feels more like a collection of worshipping glimpses than a painfully unflinching study of the ordinary human being who just happens to be the leader of the free world.

The neat and tidy thread that runs throughout Lewis’ narrative also happens to be emblematic of one of the most conspicuous tensions plaguing the article, but which its author never really works at teasing out. This is the conflict between the gravity of the matters which require the President’s attention and the superfluous but even more polarizing aspects of the presidency that have reduced it to PR Representative-in-Chief for much of the population.

Lewis writes,

“It took Obama longer than usual to make changes to the office because, as he put it, ‘we came in when the economy was tanking and our first priority wasn’t redecorating.’ Eighteen months into the office he reupholstered the two chairs in his sitting area. (‘The chairs were kind of greasy. I was starting to think, Folks are going to start talking about us.’) Then he swapped out the antique coffee table for a contemporary one, and the bust of Winston Churchill lent to Bush by Tony Blair for one of Martin Luther King Jr.”

The Oval office is a symbol of the Presidency, an institution steeped in history, and one of the clearest instances of how the media and public elevate the trivial to distractingly epic prominence. Like for instance the swapping of the Churchill bust for one of Martin Luther King Jr., which Lewis is right to remind us, “created so much stupid noise that Mitt Romney on the stump is now pledging that he will return it to the Oval Office.”

Lewis goes on to note that with each successive presidency, the White House has become more and more fixed in the public’s imagination, worshiped in a way that other important centers of stately business, Congress and the Pentagon say, are not.

“Today there is no way any president could build anything that would enhance the White House without being accused of violating some sacred site, or turning the place into a country club, or wasting taxpayer money, or, worst of all, being oblivious to appearances. To the way it will seem.

“Seeming” is the ever present specter which haunts the President’s daily existence. For instance,

“He’s kept the desk used by Bush—the one with the secret panel made famous by John-John Kennedy. It had been brought in by Jimmy Car­ter to replace the one with the secret taping system in it, used by Johnson and Nixon. ‘Is there a taping system in here?’ I asked, gazing up at the crown molding.

“‘No,’ he said, then added, ‘It’d be fun to have a taping system. It’d be wonderful to have a verbatim rec­ord of history.’ Obama doesn’t come across as political or calculating, but every now and then it seems to occur to him how something would sound, if repeated out of context and then handed as a weapon to people who wish him ill. ‘Actually,’ he said, ‘I’ve got to be careful here [about what I say].’”

But while the media spends its time trying to sniff out faux controversies, the bigger issues evolve in plain sight but outside the parameters of our popular interest or limited attention spans.

“For the better part of a year hordes of workmen have been digging and building something deep below the White House—though what it is no one who knows will really say. “Infrastructure” is the answer you get when you ask. But no one really does ask, much less insist on the public’s right to know. The president of the United States can’t move a bust in the Oval Office without facing a firestorm of disapproval. But he can dig a hole deep in his front yard and build an underground labyrinth and no one even asks what he’s up to.”

To his credit, Lewis uses both of these examples, the controversy over Churchill’s bust coupled with the lack of interest in the giant hole being dug outside the White House, as metaphors for the public relations campaigns that subsume national issues of import, like the decision to intervene in Libya.

But Lewis doesn’t take the analogy far enough. Nor does he press the President on other issues, like for instance the Administration’s infamous policy on drone warfare, to draw and even starker contrast between the surface commentary which accompanies these subjects and the core questions underlying them that must be openly debated and resolved.

Lewis and his profile are themselves a part of the circus that promotes appearances over realities; trivialities over substance. Lewis paints a perfect picture of the media optics surrounding the intervention in Libya, remarking about President Obama,

“He was especially alive to the power of a story to influence the American public. He believed he had been elected chiefly because he had told a story; he thought he had had problems in office because he had, without quite realizing it, ceased to tell it. If the pilot had fallen into the wrong hands, or landed badly, or shot the dog, it would have been the start of a new narrative. Then the story would no longer have been a complex tale ignored by the American public about how the United States had forged a broad international coalition to help people who claimed to share our values rid themselves of a tyrant…

The story would have become a much simpler one, ripe for exploitation by his foes: how a president elected to extract us from a war in one Arab country got Americans killed in another. If Stark had come to grief, the Libyan intervention would no longer have been the hole in the White House lawn. It would have been the Churchill bust. That is why Obama says that, as obvious as it seems in retrospect to have prevented a massacre in Benghazi, it was at the time ‘one of those 51–49 decisions.’”

Here is perhaps the most subversive point in Lewis’ entire piece: part of the Administration’s job is to keep major issues of national import from becoming Churchill busts. Better the hole on the White House lawn that no one pays attention to than a controversy which provokes shallow analysis by the pundits, and opportunistic criticism by political partisans.

What’s subversive isn’t the idea that the Administration does in fact try to do just that, this is something any self-respecting citizen already knows. What’s subversive is that Lewis locates this fact as a point of sympathy, a reason for readers to feel closer to, and of a kind with the President by virtue of how volatile the optics of any decision he makes can be.

Never mind that Obama made the decision to go to war with Libya (in Libya?) unilaterally and without regard for Congress, the nation’s primary representative, deliberative, and legislative body. Lewis skips right past that fact, intentionally conflating opposition to the President’s decision on legal and procedural grounds with those simply eager to be critical and contrary with regard to the President’s policies,

“All that exists for any president are the odds. On March 17 the U.N. gave Obama his resolution. The next day he flew to Brazil and was there on the 19th, when the bombing began. A group of Democrats in Congress issued a statement demanding Obama withdraw from Libya; Ohio Democratic congressman Dennis Kucinich asked if Obama had just committed an impeachable offense. All sorts of people who had been hounding the president for his inaction now flipped and questioned the wisdom of action. A few days earlier Newt Gingrich, busy running for president, had said, “We don’t need the United Nations. All we have to say is that we think slaughtering your own citizens is unacceptable and that we’re intervening.” Four days after the bombing began, Gingrich went on the Today show to say he wouldn’t have intervened and was quoted on Politico as saying, “It is impossible to make sense of the standard of intervention in Libya except opportunism and news media publicity.” The tone of the news coverage shifted dramatically, too. One day it was “Why aren’t you doing anything?” The next it was “What have you gotten us into?” As one White House staffer puts it, “All the people who had been demanding intervention went nuts after we intervened and said it was outrageous. That’s because the controversy machine is bigger than the reality machine.”

Passages like the above are why chills run down my spine when people like Andrew Sullivan gush about “our greatest nonfiction writer” and the “oasis of public calm” who is that nonfiction writer’s subject. Despite making the Libya crisis the central context for his insight into the President, Lewis never, at any point, asks the President how he views his role with regard to Congress or the legal and historical traditions to which the office he occupies is bound.

Instead, Lewis’ profile of the President is representative of the very fetishization and reality TV coverage that isolates the President and his Administration. His focus on narrative is exactly the kind of misguided emphasis that disrupts the presidency to the point that the occupier of that office must willfully seek to keep the country ignorant of, or at the very least, uninterested in, the issues with which it deals.

Lewis talks about his opportunity to do the profile as if it were a long shot. He couldn’t believe when the White House actually said yes, even though part of the agreement, which he was all too happy to surrender to, required that no quotes make it into the article without the Administration’s consent.

Even in these circumstances, Lewis never asks within the body of the piece why in fact he was offered the opportunity. Even when he runs such a clear risk of playing right into the White House’s marketing strategy. Lewis has said that barely anything was kept out of his article. The details the White House wanted cut were for the most part tedious, he claims. Which only goes to show that his narrative must have been something like what the White House had approvingly in mind back when they originally accepted his offer.

And yet, having read and enjoyed his work, I can’t imagine Lewis is that dense. Surely he knows that he is the proxy for a version of the President that the Administration has deemed politically expedient. And when Lewis so clearly has no interest in asking any question that might get at some of the deeper conflicts at the heart of the presidency (doing what you think is right even if it subverts the rule of law vs. upholding the law of the land even if it might lead to a worse outcome), you have to wonder if he really hasn’t thought any more deeply about it.

At the end of his piece, Lewis writes,

“Back inside I had had a feeling unhelpful to the task at hand: I shouldn’t have been there. When a man with such a taste and talent for spacing is given so little space in which to operate it feels wrong to take the little he does have, like grabbing water to brush one’s teeth from a man dying of thirst. “I feel a little creepy being here,” I said.”

It is here in the last paragraph that Lewis seems to glimpse the irony of his profile, a story of what an American President must contend with, by virtue of the secret and all encompassing authority granted to them on matters of war in the 21st century. He and his article are themselves hopelessly trivial when compared to the subject matter they seek to document. Not necessarily of course, but because that is the neutered project Lewis decided to take up, and the only one in exchange for which the White House would grant him the kind of access necessary for such a blockbuster cover story (though perhaps not long enough to make an actual blockbuster out of it, unfortunately).

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49 thoughts on “Michael Lewis’ Article on the President Demonstrates by Example the Shallowness of Political Journalism

    • I don’t understand your point, Mr. Franks, could you perhaps eludicate? Mr. Gach does not purport to be independently reporting facts; this essay is ab initio obviously commentary on Mr. Lewis’ writing, the Presidency as a subject of journalism, and political journalism in a generalized sense. The tone of the essay is entirely appropriate for the expression of the author’s opinions, which is all that the essay purports to be.

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  1. I’m sympathetic to your complaint; certainly Sully is quite in the tank for O; but you have left out the part where Congress and the detached polity it serves has very gladly ceded the authority you cite to the Presidency. It’s so much easier for the congresscritters to just let the President make those calls rather than put their own jobs on the line. It’s so much easier for the voters to just focus on the day to day than be concerned about this devolution and to vote to punish those who’re in essence slacking on their job in Congress.

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    • And it’s so much easier to write a neat and tidy story about how the President plays basketball with the FBI and friends and has a special spot at the White House and a daydream of a perfect day on the beach surfing than to ask serious questions of a serious man when we are faced with so many serious issues.

      I take your point, and agree with all of it. As the point was to push back against the celebrity infused arse-kissing fest that was “Obama’s Way” I wanted to keep the focus on how the media is integral to keeping this shell game going, Including writers as beloved as Michael Lewis (a writer whose unprecedented success has clearly diluted the quality of his work).

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  2. Well written critique, Mr. Gach. I have been a big fan of Mr. Lewis since Liars’ Poker and think he is a truly gifted writer. However, he appears to have stepped beyond his capabilities here. Although I was unaware, he obviously is a left leaning writer and a big supporter of the Occupy movement. I think when you move into political circles it is important to be upfront with your positions so that the readers can gauge any intentional or inadvertant bias.
    He either needed to keep his article a fun, inside look at the President, or provide a more objective and balanced political assessment. Instead he ends up writing a glowing, partisan, uninspiring, political endorsement.
    In addition to ignoring larger questions like Presidential authority in the Libya actions as you point out, I was also bothered by the deceiving time lines. He appears to cover first hand the writing of the Nobel speech in Dec 2009(which I doubt was completely handwritten in the middle of the night), the Libya decision in March 2011, and the pickup basketball game(100 days from the election, or July 2012), all during his 6 month access period.
    He also pointed out the tight presidential schedule, but didn’t question the “self-discipline” of using precious time to appear on ESPN for mens and womens brackets(first Prez to do so), numerous late night TV appearances(including on the night of the embassy murders), endless airforce one trips to Hollywood fundraisers, and more golf than any other recent president.
    In the end, Mr Lewis is just a willing puppet that the administration used to further its PR and campaign efforts. He still does not realize that his “idea” was quickly accepted by the transparent administration, because of his bias and not his journalistic skills.

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  3. Average journalist: How difficult is it being the smartest person in the room in every room you enter, even rooms filled with geniuses? It must be a lonely experience.

    Obama: I’ve surrounded myself with some of the smartest people in politics. Michelle is much smarter than I am. I just want to help the middle class and those who suffer in the poverty created by Republican policies, but the economy left to me by the previous administration has held me back.

    Average journalist: I don’t know how you’ve accomplished what you’ve accomplished so far with the deep, deep, very deep recession you inherited. How did you do it?

    Obama: We’ve still got a ways to go, but 4.5 million jobs is a good start. We’re on our way.

    Average journalist: Yes sir, we are, thanks to your hard work and incredible intelligence. Do you think the next four years will transcend all that has come before, or do you think it will be among the top 2 recoveries of all time?

    Obama: I think we’ll be right up there, but I don’t want to get cocky, even though we’ve made very impressive gains, killed Osama bin Laden and saved the auto industry.

    Average journalist: I just don’t know how you do it, and such a great father on top of it all.

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      • How about, from the left, (1) why have you not proposed immigration reform, (2) why have you not closed Guantanamo, (3) if you’ve recognized that we cannot achieve a concrete mission in AF then why don’t we bring our troops home, (4) why do we have military bases in Germany and Japan, (5) your health care reform entrenches the private health insurance companies by law, why isn’t that corporatism, and (6) if Republicans want to cut spending why don’t you propose cutting spending that makes no sense?

        How about, from the right, (1) why didn’t you use Simpson-Bowles to take the lead on entitlement reform and fiscal consolidation, (2) it was clear all of 2011 and 2012 that Republicans would have done tax reform if it were revenue neutral, why not pursue that immediately, (3) do you regret the $800bn stimulus bill given the continued weak economy and languishing job market, (4) you are running on your record of continued private sector job creation but that record is of job creation below the rate of population growth, so are you being dishonest when you tout that record as an accomplishment, (5) you have made ending the Bush tax rates for the wealthy a centerpiece of your contrast with Republican policy but our country taxes citizens’ income at 26.9% and spends 37.9% – ending those tax rates would make the numbers 27.4% and 37.9% – so how can you say that you are serious on addressing our fiscal problems unless you are willing to talk about how to close that gap, not just demagogue Republican plans, ignore bipartisan plans like Simpson-Bowles, and offer nothing of your own?

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        • For all the eye-rolling and charges of puff piece journalism by Michael Lewis, the original gist of this assignment was to duplicate the pieces done by Hersey back in the days of Harry Truman. Truman was a small town guy, one of the few presidents who didn’t have a college degree. I have several biographies of Truman. Hersey would go on to write one, himself.

          Truman was a hero to the men he’d commanded in WW1 but few people really knew him. First, he’d been seen a stooge for the old Pendergast Machine. He worked hard to overcome that stigma. Truman was a straight shooter: he reformed military procurement and readiness. He was far better connected into the Roosevelt administration than folks usually think: Harry Hopkins, one of FDR’s trusted advisers, a man whose power even Stalin understood, had long been Truman’s personal friend and political ally. The dying Hopkins tried to resign when FDR died and Truman wouldn’t let him.

          Hersey wrote his pieces in the New Yorker in 1950 after only a few days of tagging around with Truman. It was a very bad year, 1950. The Korean War had blown up, Joe McCarthy was at the height of his powers, all Truman’s efforts at rapprochement with the Republicans on foreign policy hadn’t brought about any consensus. The New Deal was now Old Hat. Truman’s numerous enemies were everywhere, even within his own party. Nobody realises how hard Truman pushed for civil rights, especially for returning veterans. Truman was hard done by: he never gets the credit he deserves, largely because so much of his governing style was deeply personal, working one on one with even his bitterest opponents. The floor had fallen out from under him, quite literally: the White House was in such terrible shape a floor collapsed and Truman had to move out.

          As a nation and a people, we look at the President in a two-point perspective, up the side of the skyscraper. We never get a true picture of the president as a human being. Obama’s enemies, like Truman’s are numerous and ubiquitous. Is it puff journalism to let go of the Shopping List mentality and allow the President to still be a real man? I don’t think so.

          I understand why you wrote this, Ethan. But to use the word Neutered is to miss the entire point. Who is Obama the man? Surely he is more than a Shopping List. All this tough-guy talk about how Lewis is part of the circus that promotes appearances over realities and trivialities over substance, where does that come from? For the record, it was Harry Truman who first proposed a White House Press Briefing Room in the West Wing. If the mechanism seems a bit stilted, the barking and tough questioning we now see, the Press Secretary sparring with the Ink-Stained Wretches at the White House and the weekly tradition of radio addresses, those were Truman innovations.

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            • I suppose we’ve all come to our own conclusions about Barack Obama over time. I castigated someone the other day for using the Google Says line of rhetoric because Google’s algorithms return the results based on what you’ve searched before.

              Every president has his own relationship with The Press but he also has relationships with individual reporters. How did Chris Hitchens describe Bob Woodward? “Stenographer to the rich and powerful” If Obama had wanted a nice comfy puff piece, he’d have gone with a Woodward type of journalist.

              Michael Lewis didn’t start out as a journalist: he spent time in the art world and as a bond trader. Everyone remembers him for Liar’s Poker and Moneyball, at least I do. He also wrote The Big Short, arguably the best book yet on the 2008 Meltdown. This man is no brown nose.

              Hopefully, without reading too much into this — why would Obama choose Michael Lewis over a dozen other journalists who’ve doubtless requested personal access? I believe it’s because Obama’s written autobiography and so has Michael Lewis in Liar’s Poker. Let’s cast this in the worst possible light: a narcissistic president wants to see what the writer of Liar’s Poker would say about him given a chance. A bit of daring hubris: Michael Lewis was not exactly kindly disposed to his old buddies at Salomon and was honest enough to admit how he got his job at Salomon: one of his cousins is a baroness and she arranged for Lewis to seated next to a Salomon big shot at some banquet. Salomon had already turned him down.

              Michael Lewis doesn’t write shallow, puff journalism in the traditional sense. If Obama had wanted that, he would have gone to Bob Woodward or a dozen other fawning idiots. I firmly reject these adjectives such as Shallow to describe this piece in Vanity Fair. I likewise scoff at those who would use such adjectives.

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          • I would love to read the original that inspired Lewis, unfortunately it’s behind the New Yorker’s archive pay wall.

            Perhaps I didn’t do a good job of addressing this in the post, but not only do I think it was puff, it was also not good at giving a feel for the Pres as person, as oppose to snap shots of the pres as person via reality tv style photo op.

            It’s to clean, to tidy, and deals more with the issues that confront the President then the person that has to wake up to them each day. Nothing about his two daughters for instance and balancing work with them.

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            • Can you point to any reporter who’s gotten into the family quarters to tell us which brand of toilet paper is in the Obamas’ bathroom? Nobody gets to talk to Michelle’s mom. Lots of people don’t realise she lives with the Obamas.

              There’s a gracious plenty of oppositional reporting on the Obama administration. This wasn’t Reality Teevee: we’ve got enough of that, too. Obama’s a bit of a Hamlet, I’ve said that before around here.

              There’s a divinity that shapes our ends,
              Rough-hew them how we will.

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                • I simply do not understand why you’re taking this line. Barack Obama is more than his job but there’s no competency test for presidential candidates. Nor is there a rulebook for policy once elected. President Obama and Obama who happens to be President are perfectly commutative statements. He’s still a man, not a Futurama head-in-a-jar.

                  When I interview people, I take a look at their qualifications before they get to me. But it’s not much of a guide to who they are as people. I can teach a chimpanzee to fire up an IDE and write code which compiles. People get hired on the basis of their abilities and they’re sacked on the basis of their personalities. To avoid that depressing moment of the inevitable sacking, I apply the second measure before I hire.

                  A thousand jealous pundits wants to say this is a puff piece. It’s anything but a puff piece. Obama comes across as a calculating man, more in tune with the odds than managing by objective. That’s not how I manage but then running a software project isn’t exactly being a Chief Executive. Obama’s job is a lot bigger than one man. People get killed, even if he makes the right decision. He sits at the nexus of control, a civilian in charge of the world’s most powerful military engine. The military doesn’t dissent from his orders but a fickle public will never entirely agree with any decision he makes. That’s not a good place to be as an executive. The Roman Republic used to separate those roles. We don’t here in the USA. We like the idea of a civilian in charge of the military, lest the military commanders turn on the elected government.

                  Alea jacta est, Julius Caesar’s famous statement when he crossed the Rubicon, defying the separation of powers. It’s usually translated “The die is cast.” But that’s wrong. Plutarch says Caesar shouted in Greek “Let the die be cast.” Baby needs a new pair of shooooooes…. The gamble paid off after a fashion, for Julius Caesar. Brutus and Cassius would have their roles to play somewhat later.

                  The gamble for Libya might yet pay off for Obama. Michael Lewis’ account of the Libya decision making process is likely the most objective we’re likely to get in present times: the historians will have their say in years to come.

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  4. I think part of the point is that if a VF journalist had been given access by GW Bush and then written that piece, other “serious journalists” wouldn’t consider them a serious journalist anymore.

    He also skipped the most fundamental and nagging question about our system of government. If the White House is so important, how come we’ve never bothered to think up a name for it? We just gave up and started capitalizing it to avoid confusion.

    Now that’s serious political journalism.

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  5. Ethan – regarding Michael Lewis’s article, I agree it’s a puff piece and utterly uninterested in asking tough questions or playing a journalistic role whatsoever. But is that such a problem? I felt like Lewis was pretty clear in the piece that he had a personal interest in understanding the job of the President, the day-to-day reality of being President. And he is pretty clear that he is personally fond of the President and uninterested in judging his performance as President in the article. I found the piece informative and interesting, much like the rest of Lewis’s writings. Lewis is at heart a storyteller, and a damn good one at that. This piece was the story of Obama and the job of President as consequential decision-maker simultaneously being the politician-in-chief in a time of unprecedented media coverage. I thought it was good and find your criticism to be misplaced – more relevant to the media at large, who are deserving of this scorn and more, but not fair to put on Michael Lewis. It’s not fair to call his project “neutered” because he wasn’t interested in pursuing the kind of tough professional journalism that this country needs.

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    • So a couple of points:

      “the day-to-day reality of being President”—if this was really all he wanted to do he could have read any number of other profiles on the current as well as past Presidents, as well as watched the West Wing or any other fictional representation which, while embelished, probably gets the anxiety, tirelessness, and lack of kudos associated with the job pretty close. To put it another way, was there anything you read in the profile that made you think, “Wow, I never thought about the presidency like that?”

      “judging his performance “—is different from asking the President how he personally deals with all of the murky moral and and legal questions he must confront. The Libya decision is tough calculus as a President because of conflicting oblgications…but morally, it’s not very complicated, and any degree that it is, Michael seems content to let those nuanced and difficult moments fall through the cracks of his interviews. You don’t have to judge the President to ask him what it feels like to order a drone strike when one of the people it kills could look just like his daughter (in reference to his famous remark about Trayvon Martin). I am genuinly more curious about how HE feels about the decision, then I am about having Lewis try to condemn him for it…enough of us have already done that.

      “Lewis is at heart a storyteller”—indeed. Unfortunately telling a good story can get in the way of (1) telling the truth/being accurate/honesty/humble ignorance, and (2) letting the details and facts take you where they will, even if that place is not so condusive to a neat and tidy portrait of the President as an Wise man.

      “consequential decision-maker simultaneously being the politician-in-chief in a time of unprecedented media coverage.”—and yet the issue of whistleblower prosecutions and the drone program, two black holes of media coverage (i.e. they should be at the intersection of any story about the President and media, because the former has a chilling affect on independent journalism and the latter is secret and denied access to by the press).

      On Michael Lewis: When you are in a position to do an extended profile of a sitting President with prolongued and unprecedented access—use it wisely. Don’t tell us things we already know (trapping of the job: it’s tough, lots of decisions, always busy, hard to find time alone*), don’t use it to do an “Ain’t it tough being green?” piece…no shit being POTUS is a hard, lonely, and thankless job! Use the opportunity instead to write the truth, whatever it is, as you encounter it, but knowing full well the whole time that you won’t encounter truth by chance, you can sit around and wait for it, or look from afar waiting for it to pop out into the open on a whim…you have to tease it out, it can be uncomfortable, messy, and tiring, but that’s how you get a truth.

      The most uncomfortable moment in Michael’s piece was at the end, when he feels like he is intruding on the President’s alone time. It doesn’t come from a tough exchange with a man he ultimately respects and admires: it comes becuase he at long last has realized, on some level, the superficiality of what he’s doing. He actually feels like he’s wasting the President’s time by the end. The only person responsible for his feeling that way his himself.

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      • Nowhere in the essay was a cite the article itself. Seems to me Lewis did a fine job laying out how Obama thought about intervention in Libya at the time. He goes into excruciatingly precise detail of what went through Obama’s mind and those around him. It’s the bulk of the article. Since you won’t cite it, I guess I have to — :

        A million people in Ben­gha­zi were waiting to find out whether they would live or die, and he honestly did not know. There were things the Pentagon might have said to deter him, for instance. “If somebody had said to me that we could not take out their air defense without putting our fliers at risk in a significant way; if the level of risk for our military personnel had been ratcheted up—that might have changed my decision,” says Obama. “Or if I did not feel Sarkozy or Cameron were far enough out there to follow through. Or if I did not think we could get a U.N resolution passed.”

        Once again he polled the people in the room for their views. Of the principals only Susan Rice (enthusiastically) and Hil­lary Clinton (who would have settled for a no-fly zone) had the view that any sort of intervention made sense. “How are we going to explain to the American people why we’re in Libya,” asked William Daley, according to one of those pres­ent. “And Daley had a point: who gives a shit about Libya?”

        From the president’s point of view there was a certain benefit in the indifference of the American public to whatever was happening in Libya. It enabled him to do, at least for a moment, pretty much whatever he wanted to do. Libya was the hole in the White House lawn.

        Obama made his decision: push for the U.N resolution and effectively invade another Arab country. Of the choice not to intervene he says, “That’s not who we are,” by which he means that’s not who I am. The decision was extraordinarily personal. “No one in the Cabinet was for it,” says one witness. “There was no constituency for doing what he did.” Then Obama went upstairs to the Oval Office to call European heads of state and, as he puts it, “call their bluff.” Cameron first, then Sarkozy. It was three a.m. in Paris when he reached the French president, but Sarkozy insisted he was still awake. (“I’m a young man!”) In formal and stilted tones the European leaders committed to taking over after the initial bombing. The next morning Obama called Medvedev to make sure that the Russians would not block his U.N. resolution. There was no obvious reason why Russia should want to see Qad­da­fi murder a city of Libyans, but in the president’s foreign dealings the Russians play the role that Republicans currently more or less play in his domestic affairs. The Russians’ view of the world tends to be zero-sum: if an American president is for it, they are, by definition, against it. Obama thought that he had made more prog­ress with the Russians than he had with the Republicans; Medvedev had come to trust him, he felt, and believed him when he said the United States had no intention of moving into Libya for the long term. A senior American official at the United Nations thought that perhaps the Russians let Obama have his resolution only because they thought it would end in disaster for the United States.

        And it could have. All that exists for any president are the odds. On March 17 the U.N. gave Obama his resolution. The next day he flew to Brazil and was there on the 19th, when the bombing began. A group of Democrats in Congress issued a statement demanding Obama withdraw from Libya; Ohio Democratic congressman Dennis Kucinich asked if Obama had just committed an impeachable offense. All sorts of people who had been hounding the president for his inaction now flipped and questioned the wisdom of action. A few days earlier Newt Gingrich, busy running for president, had said, “We don’t need the United Nations. All we have to say is that we think slaughtering your own citizens is unacceptable and that we’re intervening.” Four days after the bombing began, Gingrich went on the Today show to say he wouldn’t have intervened and was quoted on Politico as saying, “It is impossible to make sense of the standard of intervention in Libya except opportunism and news media publicity.” The tone of the news coverage shifted dramatically, too. One day it was “Why aren’t you doing anything?” The next it was “What have you gotten us into?” As one White House staffer puts it, “All the people who had been demanding intervention went nuts after we intervened and said it was outrageous. That’s because the controversy machine is bigger than the reality machine.”

        The minute the president made his decision a lot of people were obviously waiting for it to go wrong—for something to happen that could be seized upon to symbolize this curious use of American power and define this curious president. On March 21, Obama flew from Brazil to Chile. He was on a stage with Chilean leaders, listening to a folk-rock band called Los Jaivas singing the story of the earth’s formation (their signature piece) when someone whispered in his ear: one of our F-15s just crashed in the Libyan desert. On his way to dinner afterward his national-security adviser Thomas Donilon told him that the pilot had been rescued but the navigator was missing. “My first thought was how to find the guy,” recalls Obama. “My next thought was that this is a reminder that something can always go wrong. And there are consequences for things going wrong.”

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