A Qualified Defense of Obama

Andrew Sullivan's defense of Obama is incomplete but compelling.

Andrew Sullivan’s Newsweek cover piece is one of the best defenses of the Obama presidency I’ve read, echoing many of my own beliefs about the president. On healthcare, I think the Affordable Care Act was the wrong policy at the right time – the best step we could have taken with the political system we have and almost certainly a step in the right direction. Our nation’s healthcare status quo is a disaster, and the poorly termed “Obamacare” pushes the needle in the right direction – though there are miles to go before we sleep.

Indeed, on domestic policy I agree almost entirely with Sullivan. The president did all he could do given the disposition of congress, the economic straights we found ourselves floundering in, and the reality of politics in America. Perhaps he wasn’t forceful enough in his condemnation of the Republican obstructionism. Perhaps he’s playing a long game as Sullivan suggests. Certainly he has surprised us all before. And certainly his political calculations are based on a very different set of information than we have available.

Like Conor Friedersdorf and Ryan Bonneville and others, my quibble with Sullivan’s piece comes when the discussion revolves from domestic to foreign policy. Both Conor and Ryan pointed out that Andrew was far too quick to gloss over Obama’s foreign policy and civil liberties record. I agree.

On assassination of US citizens, the NDAA, the war on drugs, and a handful of other issues, Obama has been a huge disappointment. I understand that the politics of foreign policy and the drug war are complex and difficult to fathom. And I do, on some level, forgive Obama’s decisions here. He works within the constraints of the American political scene. He can’t appear weak on defense. If anything will sink his chance at reelection, a weakness at defense will.

Andrew’s response to civil libertarians was not dismissive, but incomplete:

In wartime, I believe the government has a right to find and kill those who are waging war against us, if it is impossible to capture them. I don’t think wartime decisions like that need be completely transparent – or can be, if we are to succeed. And I think Obama has succeeded remarkably quickly in this new kind of war. He has all but wiped out al Qaeda by drone attacks and the Afghanistan surge. And his success makes these repugnant wartime excesses things that, in a second term, he could ratchet back. Even Bush racheted back in his second term.

But my primary issue has always been torture – the cancer it introduces into our legal, moral and civilizational bloodstream. That has gone. More will, if Obama continues to win this war and gains strength against the authoritarian pro-torture GOP by being re-elected.

Lesser of two evils in this respect? Yes.

Well…yes and no. The end of torture is undeniably a good thing, and something that would be once again revoked by a Romney or a Gingrich or a Santorum, all three of whom have vowed to waterboard if given the chance. When it comes to the question of lesser of two evils, Obama is almost certainly a lesser evil than any of these three. And on domestic policy he is far preferable to Ron Paul, the only Republican who would be more liberal on matters of civil liberty and war.

I also understand that in writing a defense of the president, Sullivan was less interested in attacking him at length on these abuses of power. To Sullivan, the defense of Obama is more important than offering up an extended critique of the president. Sullivan – and I’m with him on this – is worried about a return of Republicans to the White House. The prospects of a Romney or a Gingrich presidency are truly frightening. Everything we dislike about Obama would almost certainly be worse under a GOP administration. The lesser of two evils, in a democracy ruled over by a political duopoly, does indeed matter.

But these things do matter. What else can I say? The fact that Obama has deported so many undocumented workers, has essentially ramped up the war on drugs and laughed off its opponents, and started (and, admittedly finished) a war in Libya – these are deeply troubling. They reveal an illiberal strain in the Democratic party that is worrisome to civil libertarians like myself. I’m left feeling more hopeless than ever about the future of our free-ish society.

There is almost no way I could possibly vote GOP in this election. Ron Paul is a good man, I think, and an honorable one. He would attempt, at least, to do good, liberal things like end the wars and the war on drugs. But his history with the newsletters and his more radical domestic policies also matter to me. He doesn’t represent my vision for America either.

I’m left wondering how to change this country for the better. People say politics is all about the local. Focus on your congress person. Focus on the politics that are closer to home. Maybe this is true. But a president can make a big difference, as the Bush years have more than adequately illustrated. Maybe that’s Obama’s greatest strength. For all his flaws, for all his continuation of bad Bush-era policies, he’s managed to be a competent leader and administrator. Republicans long ago decided that the business of governing was beneath them. Bush was the culmination of years of anti-government attitudes. The appeal of Huntsman, I suspect, was that he seemed at least competent.

Well so is Obama. Surveying the GOP field this primary season, perhaps that is enough.

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Is Former Union Leader A.J. Duffy the Anti-Diane Ravitch?

Long-time charter school opponent and union head of the Los Angeles chapter of the California Teacher Association has had a remarkable change of heart now that he heads a charter school instead of a teacher’s union:

The longtime anti-charter crusader wants to make it harder for teachers to earn tenure protections and wants to lengthen that process. He even wants to require teachers to demonstrate that they remain effective in the classroom if they want to keep their tenure protections.

And if a tenured teacher becomes ineffective, he wants to streamline dismissals. The process now in place can stretch out for several years, even with substantial evidence of gross misconduct. Some union leaders, notably Duffy, have defended this "due process" as a necessary protection against administrative abuses.

"I would make it 10 days if I could," Duffy now says of the length of the dismissal process….

Duffy will have a unionized school, preferably with his former union, but not at the expense of sacrificing his vision for how a school should operate, he said.

Skeptics, who criticized Duffy’s management of the union, now question his qualifications to run schools. Charter school advocates responded cautiously, but were generally positive.

Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa had called the union under Duffy "one unwavering roadblock to reform." The mayor had no comment, but Patrick Sinclair, a spokesman for a group of schools overseen by the mayor, said, "We’re glad he’s pursuing a lot of the changes and reforms that we and the mayor would like to see."

Of course, there’s no reason at all that unions should support easy tenure requirements or oppose reform to hiring and firing practices. So long as good teachers can be protected to a degree by the union and the union can help negotiate working conditions, wages, and so forth, that’s all that matters. Nothing is set in stone: not tenure, not last in first out, not slowly climbing wages that favor seniority, or policies that make it impossible to fire really bad teachers.

The fact is, unions can do a lot without sticking blindly to old ideas that may not work as well now as they used to. It just requires a change of vision. I don’t think you need to be pro or anti-teachers unions to realize that they can and should reform alongside the education system as a whole. As far as I’m concerned, protecting good teachers and getting rid of bad teachers aren’t mutually exclusive. Quite the contrary.

(h/t Nick Gillespie)

Social Security Venn Diagram

Nick Baumann has a handy chart explaining patiently to Rick Perry et alia why Social Security is not a ponzi scheme:

venn-diagram-social-security-ponzi-scheme-630

As Jonathan Bernstein notes:

Very simple: anyone who says that Social Security is a Ponzi scheme either misunderstands Social Security, misunderstands Ponzi schemes, is deliberately lying, or some combination of those… After all, a Ponzi scheme is a deliberate fraud. Saying that Social Security is financed like a Ponzi scheme is factually wrong, but saying that Social Security is a Ponzi scheme or is like a Ponzi scheme is basically a false accusation of fraud against the US government and the politicians who have supported Social Security over the years.

I’m not sure, honestly, why Social Security gets so much attention. A bit of tinkering with the payroll cap, and voila! The problem is basically fixed.

The real problem facing our long-term fiscal stability is healthcare spending. For more on that you should read this ten-post series by Aaron Carroll. Unfortunately, unlike Social Security, healthcare spending will be really hard to fix, because the factors driving it are complex, and because the combination of private and public spending makes it complicated and difficult to untangle.

Quote of the day

Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money. Obama wants to take whitey’s money.

~the entirety of an Adam Serwer post titled “Every Rush Limbaugh Show Since 2009”

True but useless

IOZ:

Let me explain something to you.  "The Social Safety Net" is not a benefit or an entitlement; it is a bribe.  It is a package of bribes offered to fictitious, created entity called "The Middle Class" in order to entice them away from any sense of solidarity with the poor.  Its origin is anti-Communism.  And it has been very effective.  Middle-class entitelements, from Social Security to the mortgage deduction, have kept you poor slobs in line for seventy years, toiling away, building the foundations and walls of your own prison.  The ongoing "attacks" on those entitelements are not attacks on the middle class by conservatives.   There are no conservatives.  The mass grave has been dug and it is no longer necessary to offer you rations as you stand at its edge.  There never was a middle class; there is an ownership class and there is everyone else.  You don’t own anything that you own.

First principles

communistparty

I find myself largely in agreement with Freddie’s list of first principles, in spite of our various political and economic disagreements. This is interesting to me, because Freddie is very much an economic leftist, and I am very much a free-marketeer.

But we both believe in a robust social safety net; we both believe that civil liberties are the cornerstone of – not just democracy – but of a flourishing human society; we both believe that a broadly non-interventionist foreign policy is the best policy for America and the world; we both believe in some form of Keynesian countercyclical economic policy; we both believe in worker’s rights, though I find myself more and more of the opinion that workers need to organize and stand up for their own rights without the express backing of the state, which has historically only hampered and hobbled unions. We both believe in progressive taxation, though we may disagree on the particulars.

Freddie’s last point is not so much a first principle as it is a jab at the president:

I finally believe, on a purely tactical level, that rewarding bad behavior inevitably reinforces that behavior and ensures that it will continue. I don’t open the door when my dog whines to come in; I wouldn’t give a child throwing a tantrum the toy he is asking for. Capitulation to terrible behavior sends the unmistakable message that terrible behavior is rewarded and should be repeated.

This last one is hard. It could be applied to A) big banks who did not deserve to be bailed out or B) many state governments who badly mismanaged their money or C) the Republican Party who did not deserve to be elected back into office after the eight years of disaster under George W Bush or D) countless pundits who helped steer us into the dark waters we’re in today. The list goes on and on.

What’s interesting to me is that I largely agree with just about everything Freddie says in this post, though I know we have many disagreements as well. Which puts me to the left of Barack Obama. At the same time, I’m a big advocate of deregulation and a hands-off approach to the economy. Deregulate healthcare, let markets work, get government out of the economy. This, as I noted yesterday, can make me sound like a rightwinger in the current American context.

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The Debt Ceiling

The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities concludes that if enacted, John Boehner’s debt ceiling plan “could well produce the greatest increase in poverty and hardship produced by any law in modern U.S. history.”

That sounds to me like something that would create strong incentives to not be poor and, indeed, to fully incentive richness. Consequently, we’ll have massive economic growth. Right?

That’s Yglesias. The sad thing here is that Boehner’s plan is the only thing with any semblance of hope that it might actually pass.

Lord what fools these mortals politicians be.

Deception

Jamelle Bouie and Elias post this chart from the New York Times:

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This is pretty deceptive for a number of reasons. Yes, a lot of these policies were indeed started by the Bush administration, but a lot of them were also started again by Obama. the “Bush tax cuts” for instance, were set to expire. Obama and the Democrats created new tax cuts, effectively extending the Bush tax rates – but these are still Obama’s tax cuts.

And the 2008 TARP and stimulus spending is something that the Democrats pushed hard for as well. So that’s $2809 billion that is spending agreed upon by Democrats and Republicans. If you add that to Obama’s spending you get a much closer pairing. If you add in the wars, which Obama has not only not ended but which he has complimented with a third war in Libya, you get even closer.

Tit-for-tat is stupid. Obama and Bush are both big spenders. Who cares? Bush was elected as a conservative who was theoretically supposed to limit government. He did a lousy job at that. Obama was elected as a liberal Democrat who was supposed to spend money during a recession. Yet here’s the New York Times lauding him as a tight-fisted fiscal conservative. It makes my head hurt.

Barber shop cartel

Matt Yglesias has been going the rounds with various other bloggers on left-neoliberalism. I think of my politics as “bottom-up” liberalism, or neoclassical liberalism, which I really don’t think are far off from “neoliberalism”. I just really hate the term neoliberal.

Anyways, Matt’s latest is a post I agree whole-heartedly with:

I see breaking up the barber cartel and increasing competition for barbering services as a progressive measure, because if you reduce the cost of things that poor people buy, you increase their real living standards. A contrary view espoused in comments is that since barbering is a working class occupation, we ought to favor cartelization as a means of increasing working class income.

This, for the record, is exactly what I had in mind when in an earlier post I said that policy ideas need to be “workable.” We need to ask ourselves if it’s actually true that barber licensing is an egalitarian measure. I’m almost certain that it’s not. Clearly, if we restrict entry into the barbering industry what we do is redistribute real income away from the customers of barber shops and to the incumbent barbers. In effect, you’re setting a kind of price floor. But the important thing to note about this is that haircuts are already sold at a wide range of price points. Rich people — the kind of people it would be progressive to stick it to — are not buying the cheapest available haircuts. Indeed, they’re not even close. And there’s little reason to think that the de facto price floor on haircuts is having any impact whatsoever on the price that they pay for haircuts. The people impacted by the haircut price floor are going to be the people shopping for the cheapest haircuts. That, by and large, is going to be relatively low-income people.

This, for the record, is exactly what I had in mind when in an earlier post I said that policy ideas need to be “workable.” We need to ask ourselves if it’s actually true that barber licensing is an egalitarian measure. I’m almost certain that it’s not. Clearly, if we restrict entry into the barbering industry what we do is redistribute real income away from the customers of barber shops and to the incumbent barbers. In effect, you’re setting a kind of price floor. But the important thing to note about this is that haircuts are already sold at a wide range of price points. Rich people — the kind of people it would be progressive to stick it to — are not buying the cheapest available haircuts. Indeed, they’re not even close. And there’s little reason to think that the de facto price floor on haircuts is having any impact whatsoever on the price that they pay for haircuts. The people impacted by the haircut price floor are going to be the people shopping for the cheapest haircuts. That, by and large, is going to be relatively low-income people.

But to perhaps gesture at a “theory of politics” issue, I think part of what bugs people about the barber issue is that they’ve developed the implicit view that for progressive politics to succeed we need to raise the social status of “big government,” and that it’s counterproductive to this mission to highlight any misguided “big government” initiatives. It’s acceptable to criticize excessive spending on the military and on prisons, because the conservative critique of “big government” often exempts those institutions. But if conservatives attack “regulation,” then “regulation” must be defended or, when indefensible, ignored. My view is that this is backwards, and that the public is skeptical about supporting “big government” precisely because they doubt that its advocates are invested in ensuring that higher taxes will lead to quality services. Progressive insouciance about the question of whether or not regulations are, in fact, serving the public interest feeds cynicism about the role of the state.

This, in turn, cedes all ground on properly limiting government to conservatives and libertarians and leaves little breathing room on the left for discussion of deregulation even when that deregulation is, as Matt notes, progressive in nature. Which is odd considering the real federal-level push for deregulation happened under Jimmy Carter with the help of Ted Kennedy.

Note: I meant to blockquote that last paragraph (just added it now). I was responding to that last graph with my only little bit there at the end…